The Importance of Organisational Culture in the Growth of the South African Police Service

According to the 2007/08 South African Police Service (SAPS) Annual Report, the organisation aims to bolster its work force by 30 000 to bring the organization to a massive 201 000 employees by 2011.

According to the 2007/08 South African Police Service (SAPS) Annual Report, the organisation aims to bolster its work force by 30 000 to bring the organization to a massive 201 000 employees by 2011. Some analysts have questioned the merits of the apparent obsession with increasing police numbers, often punted as the solution to better service delivery. It may seem obvious that a larger police service would translate to an increased ability to fight crime, but there are a number persuasive of arguments to counter this notion. The most obvious of these is that the police (on their own) have a limited ability to prevent crime. Thus the funds and resources that will now be allocated to the police could perhaps be more effectively utilised elsewhere, such as in diversion programmes, education, or social development.

 

There is a less explored, and perhaps more convincing argument for why focusing on policing as a solution to the problem of crime is unlikely to be effective. Indeed, it can be argued that the biggest barrier to effective policing by the SAPS lies within the organisation itself , specifically within its organisational culture. Quite simply, if the 30 000 members intended to be recruited over the next three years, and the tens of thousands recruited over the past decade, are not absorbed into an organisation with a healthy culture, their ability to make a positive contribution will be sorely restricted.

 

Theorists highlight the manner in which the structure of the workplace leads to a secondary socialisation, often usurping the primary socialisation received during childhood. Some go so far as to suggest that large corporations and organisations (such as the SAPS) have become the dominant institutions of the modern world, at times more central to our lives than family or temple. In the SAPS, where thousands of members work twelve hour shifts (add to that commuting time), where detectives on standby can be called in at any time of the day or night, and where specialised investigation units can be on the road for days at a time, it is easy to see how central the organisation is to the lives of its employees.

 

In addition to the general literature on organisational culture, hundreds of books, papers and articles exist relating to police-specific culture. Police organisations are generally understood to be characterised by particular sub-cultures that differ in form and function from other organisations. The literature stresses the manner in which police rookies receive their ‘real’ training once they leave the college and enter the field. It is there, through observation of and interaction with senior members, that they learn to interpret and use the codes, signs and discourse that develops in opposition to, but guided by, the official institutional rules. This then is their secondary socialisation.

 

Not enough public attention has been given to the structure and form of the SAPS’ organisational culture as formed through intersections of divergent themes. These themes are often commented on in the media as singularities: stress, suicide, deaths on duty, affirmative action, fear, poor service delivery, pressure to reduce crime, abuse of power, rises in violent crime, reductions in overall crime, crises in management, alleged corruption (including management), and lack of resources, among others.

 

Effective street-level policing is determined by the appropriate use of discretion by police officers. Officers often make on-the-spot decisions about courses of action, largely based on their policing experience, attitude and outlook (and to an extent, the law). Three of the most important factors that appear to negatively influence contemporary SAPS culture are lack of faith in the justice system, the emphasis on crime statistics, and lack of accountability.

 

During the course of their careers, many SAPS members see hard worked arrests and investigations come to naught due to one blunder or another, poor or incompetent investigation, or simply as a result of judicial discretion. Invariably this leads to cynicism around the value in making arrests, or opening dockets for complainants. In addition, many SAPS members are increasingly under pressure from their managers to show a reduction in the numbers of crimes. This leads some members to dissuade complainants from opening cases or to record serious offences as less serious (eg. assualt GBH as assault). It may even lead to cases not being registered on the CAS system.

 

The third factor – lack of accountability, is a complex one. While on the surface the SAPS have a well-developed web of oversight structures to which they must account, these do not appear to function as they should in all cases. The Independent Complaints Directorate, Public Service Commission and Human Rights Commission are often under resourced to deal with all but the most serious of cases, while community policing forums can be either extremely effective or powerless, depending on the station. An integral part of police culture the world over is an intense suspicion and mistrust of those outside of the organisation. The saying “what happens on the shift stays on the shift” reflects a common organisational attitude in the SAPS. While such a culture may be difficult to change, attitudes like this threaten to further damage respect for official policies, codes and standing orders. This could lead to problems like corruption, abuse of suspects and victims, and lack of discipline.

 

Recent (but as yet unpublished) research by the Crime, Justice and Politics Programme at the ISS suggests concerning trends in organisational culture within some SAPS stations. These include:

 

  • a breakdown in command and control, compounded by low morale,

  • mismanaged affirmative action strategies,

  • lack of discipline,

  • lack of respect for management (often linked to perceptions of incompetence),

  • poor communication,

  • mistrust of colleagues,

  • frustrations about the lack of resources,

  • dysfunctional support structures, and

  • a lack of pride, devotion or interest in the organisation.

 

Without doubt this culture has developed out of the changing face of South African politics, society and crime over the past two decades. Regardless of how dedicated and positive they might have been when they joined, some SAPS members are now at risk of having their spirits crushed by the weight of the society and the organisation’s expectations. It is this loss of common purpose or meaning that threatens the culture of the organisation. If experience (and the literature) is anything to go by, new recruits in some postings are at risk of adopting this fragmenting culture within their first or second year at a police station, further solidifying its presence.

 

Of course all is not lost. The SAPS remains perhaps one of the most robust, and certainly the most developed and professional police bodies on the continent. Its relative health is impressive if considered within the crime-plagued environment in which it exists.

 

Many of the concerns raised above might be applicable to the sub-cultures of numerous police agencies around the world. The point is though that culture is organic, it changes. At the moment the culture within the SAPS seems to be heading in the wrong direction, but this can be reversed. While personnel numbers and police budgets increase at a rapid pace, the extent of their positive impact will be limited if organisational culture is not taken into consideration. Our police members are an important resource. We should do all that is possible to ensure that the environment and culture in which they function is healthy, supportive and relevant to their work.

 

Andrew Faull, Researcher, Crime, Justice and Politics Programme, ISS Tshwane (Pretoria)

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